Theosophical Society, Cardiff
Lodge
206
Newport Road,
Cardiff,
Wales,
UK.
CF24 1DL
H
P Blavatsky
Russian Society at the Time of H P Blavatsky’s
Birth
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Russia in the first
half of the nineteenth century was regarded by the majority of European society
as being a world apart. The country,
despite the efforts of Peter the Great and his brilliant successor
Catherine the Second, was somehow different, and seemed to many travellers only semi-civilised. The vast distances, the vagaries of climate and the polyglot
population all tended to emphasise that the
Russian Empire was only peripherally, at best, part of the civilized world.
Socially there were essentially only two classes of society, the
aristocrat and the peasant – an urban middle class of sorts existed in a few
towns and cities but it was really unimportant. Over all of this country was
the autocrat embodied for a quarter of a century by the Tsar Nicholas the
First.
Culture
The official emphasis on Russian nationalism contributed to a
debate on Russia's place in
the world, the meaning of Russian history, and the future of Russia. One group,
the Westernizers, believed that Russia remained
backward and primitive and could progress only through more Europeanization.
Another group, the Slavophiles, enthusiastically
favored the Slavs and their culture and
customs, and had a
distaste for westerners and their culture and customs. The
Slavophiles viewed
Slavic philosophy as a source of wholeness in Russia and
looked askance at
Western rationalism and materialism. Some of them believed
that the Russian
peasant commune, or mir, offered an attractive
alternative to
Western capitalism and could make Russia a potential
social and moral saviour.
The Slavophiles, therefore, represented a
form of Russian messianism.
Despite the repressions of this period, Russia experienced
a flowering of
literature and the
arts. Through the works of Aleksandr Pushkin, Nikolai Gogol,
Ivan Turgenev, and numerous others,
Russian literature gained international
stature and
recognition. Ballet took root in Russia after its
importation from
France, and classical music became firmly established with the compositions
of
Mikhail Glinka (1804-1857).
Foreign
Policy
In foreign policy, Nicholas I acted as the protector of ruling
legitimism and
guardian against
revolution. His offers to suppress revolution on the European
continent, accepted in
some instances, earned him the label of gendarme of
Europe. In 1825 Nicholas I denied to
crown himself as a Polish monarch and
instead continued to
limit the liberties of constitutional monarchy in Congress
Poland. In return,
after the 1830 July Revolution had occurred in France, in
1831 the Polish parliament deposed the Tsar as King of Poland in
response to his repeated curtailment of its constitutional rights. The Tsar
reacted by sending
Russian troops into Poland and the
so-called November Uprising broke out.
Nicholas crushed the rebellion, abrogated the Polish constitution,
and reduced
Poland to the status of a Russian province. In 1848,
when a series of
revolutions convulsed Europe, Nicholas
was in the forefront of reaction. In 1849
he intervened
on behalf of the Habsburgs and helped suppress an uprising in
Hungary, and he also urged Prussia not to
accept a liberal constitution. Having
helped conservative
forces repel the specter of revolution, Nicholas I seemed to
dominate Europe.
Russian dominance proved illusory, however. While Nicholas was
attempting to
maintain the status
quo in Europe, he adopted an aggressive policy toward the
Ottoman Empire. Nicholas I was following the traditional Russian policy of
resolving the
so-called Eastern Question by seeking to partition the Ottoman
Empire and establish a protectorate over the Orthodox population of
the Balkans, still largely under Ottoman control in the 1820s. Russia fought a
successful war with the Ottomans in 1828 and 1829. In 1833 Russia negotiated
the Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi with the Ottoman
Empire. The major European parties mistakenly believed that the treaty
contained a secret clause granting Russia the right to
send warships through the Bosporus and Dardanelles straits. By
the London Straits Convention of 1841, they affirmed Ottoman control over the
straits and forbade any power, including Russia, to send
warships through the straits.
Based on his role in suppressing the revolutions of 1848 and his
mistaken belief that he had British diplomatic support, Nicholas moved against
the Ottomans, who declared war on Russia in 1853.
Fearing the results of an Ottoman defeat by Russia, in 1854 Britain and France joined what
became known as the Crimean War on the Ottoman side. Austria offered the
Ottomans diplomatic support, and Prussia remained
neutral, leaving Russia without
allies on the continent. The European allies landed in Crimea and laid
siege to the well-fortified Russian base at Sevastopol. After a
year's siege the base fell, exposing Russia's inability
to defend a major fortification on its own soil. Nicholas I died
before the fall of Sevastopol', but he
already had recognized the failure of his
regime. Russia now
faced the choice of initiating major reforms or losing its
status as a major
European power.
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